https://theleaflet.in/what-a-genuine-leftist-response-to-the-hindutva-challenge-should-look-like/ A review of 'Nationalist Dangers, Secular Failings: A Compass for an Indian Left’ by Achin Vanaik, Aakar Books (2021) pp. 205
Unlike the chicanery of former United States president, politician and academic Woodrow Wilson and imperialist–liberals of the early twentieth century, Lenin’s vision of revolutionary, anti-colonial nationalism was based on the following premises: the need to distinguish between the interests of oppressed classes and the notion of ‘national interest’; the need to distinguish between oppressed, dependent and subject nations and the oppressing, exploiting and sovereign nations; the need for Communist parties to aid revolutionary movements among dependent and ‘underprivileged nations’ such as, for instance, the American blacks and the colonies; the need to subordinate the interest of the proletarian struggle in a country to the interests of the proletarian struggle internationally; the need for the proletarian movement to retain its independent organisation whilst fighting with the bourgeoisie the battle of anti-imperialism; last but not the least, Lenin strongly emphasised and warned about the lurking danger of “big nation chauvinism”.
Vanaik also ruminates on the relevance of capitalism and nationalism today. He argues that the “trans-nationalisation of social relations and the consolidation and juridical sharpening of territorialised sovereignty went together.”
On the question of organisation of the vanguard, which in the Leninist tradition is called ‘democratic centralism’, Vanaik argues that it is not about the vertical centralisation of power. It is, following Belgian Marxian economist, Trotskyist activist and theorist Ernest Mandel, “a centralisation of experience, centralisation of knowledge and centralisation of conclusions drawn out of actual militancy”. And these are the most crucial elements “to generate the necessary wider consciousness to challenge the most formidable vanguard formation of the bourgeoisie— the bourgeois state.”
A republic in crisis: Holding a mirror up to power https://theleaflet.in/a-republic-in-crisis-holding-a-mirror-up-to-power/
A review of ‘The Crooked Timber of New India: Essays on a Republic in Crisis’ by Prakala Prabhakar, Speaking Tiger Books (2023)
Joe Athialy·June 12, 2023
One of the criticism of UPA government is its complicity in turning the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 (UAPA) more draconian in 2008 and 2012, allowing the Modi government to unleash it on people who were perceived to be political threats to their grand narrative of sab changa si (everything is fine; known in bhakt-speak as Amrit Kaal), and making it even more draconian in 2019.
In the Prime Minister’s Independence-Day speeches from 2014 to 2022, and the speeches of the RSS chief; in the unemployment and inequality statistics that the government supresses; in the partisan role of investigative agencies and the income tax department; in the new BJP’s ‘tiraskar’ or clear rejection of India’s Muslims as citizens and voters; in the mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic—in these and many more developments, Parakala Prabhakar finds unmistakable evidence of religious majoritarianism, a creeping authoritarianism and serious economic mismanagement. And he shows us why silence and complacency are no longer an option for any citizen invested in the future of our Republic.
https://www.newslaundry.com/2022/05/18/star-reporter-with-no-income-what-pawan-jaiswals-death-tells-us-about-the-state-of-rural-reporters ‘Star reporter with no income’: What Pawan Jaiswal’s death tells us about the state of rural reporters yTanishka Sodhi18 May, 2022
Journalism doesn’t pay their bills, they have little or no institutional support and rely on commissions from ‘finding ads’ for papers.
The death of a journalist is barely a blip in the news cycle. Over 600 journalists have died of Covid in the last two years, and thousands more die every year of other causes.
But journalists like Pawan form the backbone of journalism, gathering news for big studios and publications in metropolitan cities. They receive little credit or money, their roles reduced to terms like “stringers” – an army of underpaid, and even unpaid, news gatherers who are vital to the news business.
Blackmailer and extortionist: The sordid side of being a stringer in India https://www.newslaundry.com/2020/02/14/blackmailer-and-extortionist-the-sordid-side-of-being-a-stringer-in-india
Often poorly paid or forced to get ad revenue for their media houses, some stringers resort to unethical, even criminal, ways to make money.
By Manish Chandra Mishra 14 Feb, 2020 It’s a sordid story often repeated. Neeraj Soni was formerly the bureau chief of a daily based in Madhya Pradesh. He claimed the newspaper’s management would routinely set his editorial team targets to bring in advertising revenue. In turn, Soni said, he would ask his stringers to get “incriminating stories” about local businessmen or government servants, then “blackmail” them into buying ads in the newspaper in return for not running the stories. If the money exceeded the target, it would be distributed among the stringers since the company had no budget to pay them.
Stringers are expected to pay deposits for the mic ID, and this amount varies between cities and channels. A reputed TV channel can charge up to Rs 1 lakh in big cities, and marginally less in smaller towns. A block-level stringer has to pay around Rs 10,000 for a mic ID, the amount goes up to Rs 25,000 for a district-level stringer.
While TV channels mark this deposit as “security money”, it is non-refundable.